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(2010) Revels without a conscience: The Evolution of the rogue states narrative in US security policy. (2011) Securitization as a causal mechanism, in Security Dialogue 42 (4–5): 329–341. (eds.) (2013) The Militant Face of Democracy. Müller (eds.) Democratic Wars: Looking at the Dark Side of Democratic Peace. (2006) Spotting the ‘enemy’? Democracies and the challenge of the ‘other’.

Real war rogue states download full version free how to#

(2004) An End to Evil – How to Win the War on Terror. New York and Toronto: Random House.įrum, D. (2003) The Right Man: The Surprise Presidency of George W. (1999) Interview: Joschka Fischer German Foreign Minister, Newsweek, 18 April,, accessed 15 April 2014.įormosa, P. Frankfurt/M, Germany: Suhrkamp.įischer, J.

Zum Ewigen Frieden und Auszüge aus der Rechtslehre. Stuttgart, Germany: Franz Steiner Verlag, pp. Eberl (ed.) Radikale Demokratie diesseits und jenseits des Staates. (2011a) Kein frieden mit dem ‚ungerechten feind‘? Erzwungene Verfassungsgebung im Ausgang aus dem Naturzustand. (2006) Human rights rogues in interstate disputes, 1980–2001. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers.Ĭaprioli, M. (1998) Security: A New Framework for Analysis. New York: Harper Collins.īuzan, B., Waever, O. (2011) Moral Combat: Good and Evil in World War II. Chicago Economic Club, 22 April.īlair, T. (1999) Doctrine of the International Community. the “mad mullahs”: How the United States and Iran Demoinze each other, 2nd edn. Deriving the principles of fallibility and prudence from liberal reasoning, this article concludes with the proposition that ‘liberal pacifism’ is the preferable option in most conceivable circumstances, but that the possibility of confronting political evil is rare, but existing.īeeman, W.O. There is strong variance among liberal democracies in applying this practice, ranging from ‘pacifism’ to ‘militancy’, which often leads to dire consequences. The practice to turn this possibility into reality is conceptualized here as ‘evilization’ in analogy to ‘securitization’. Designating an ‘other’ as evil is thus a discursive possibility. Since ‘evil’ appears sporadically in international relations, with Hitler’s Germany as prototype, its existence in the real world of international relations cannot be ruled out a priori.

This possibility is epitomized by Kant’s construction of the ‘evil enemy’. Yet, the liberal belief in the freedom of will implies that humans are capable of turning against the advice of reason and opt for evil behavior and underlying principles. Standing on the pillar of rationalism and humanitarianism, there seems to be little space for the morally and emotionally charged notion of evil to enter considerations. Liberal discourse should have a hard time looking for ‘evil’ in international relations.